What does Crimea really want?

The Great Putin Lie - Myths, Realities, and the Politics of Belonging Since 1954

This article examines the political and cultural identity of Crimea from 1954 to the present and refutes the claim that the peninsula was oppressed under Ukrainian rule and longed for reunification with Russia. Using primary sources, legal analyses, demographic data, and the chronology of referenda and military interventions, this study challenges Russian propaganda narratives and presents a nuanced, evidence-based historical account.

Introduction

The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014 was justified by the Kremlin using historical, cultural, and humanitarian arguments. The central claim was that Crimea had always belonged to Russia and that its people needed protection from alleged oppression by Ukraine. This article examines those narratives through historical facts, opinion polls, and the framework of international law.

Crimea in the Context of Ukrainian History

Ukraine's history is marked by foreign domination, national resilience, and centuries-long independence struggles. As early as the 17th century, a Cossack state existed, oscillating under Russian, Polish, and Ottoman influence. Following the collapse of the Tsarist Empire, the Ukrainian People's Republic briefly emerged in 1917. Ukraine's incorporation into the Soviet Union came after civil war and mass violence, including the Holodomor famine (1932–33), which killed millions.

Crimea became part of the Russian Empire in 1783 after the displacement of the Crimean Tatars. In 1954, it was symbolically transferred to the Ukrainian SSR—largely meaningless at the time since both republics belonged to the USSR. It was only with Ukraine’s independence in 1991 that Crimea became part of a sovereign Ukrainian state.

The 1954 Transfer: Context and Legality

The transfer of Crimea by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet from the RSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954 was a formal administrative act without legal resistance within the Soviet Union. Under international law, the transfer was unproblematic as it occurred within a unitary state (Plokhy, 2015). The Russian depiction of this transfer as “illegal” is a retrospectively constructed narrative.

Crimea and the Ukrainian Independence Referendum (1991)

On December 1, 1991, 54.2% of voters in Crimea voted for Ukrainian independence—nationwide the figure exceeded 90% (Central Election Commission of Ukraine, 1991). These numbers contradict the notion of a consistent pro-Russian majority. In the city of Sevastopol, support was around 57%, despite the city’s strong Russian military presence.

Autonomy and Language Rights (1991–2014)

Crimea was granted autonomous status under the Ukrainian Constitution of 1996. Russian remained the dominant language in education, media, and administration (OSCE, 2013). A 2012 language law allowed Russian to be used as a regional official language in majority-Russian-speaking areas. Neither the OSCE nor the Council of Europe found evidence of systematic discrimination against Russian-speaking citizens.

Election Results and Political Orientation in Crimea before 2014 Analysis of several national elections shows that Crimea largely voted for parties favoring close relations with Russia, though not necessarily advocating secession. In the 2010 presidential election, Viktor Yanukovych—considered pro-Russian—received 78% in Crimea, compared to nearly 49% nationwide. Nonetheless, a significant portion of the population also supported moderately pro-Ukrainian parties such as the Communist Party or the Party of Regions, which operated within Ukraine’s political framework.

What Did the People of Crimea Want? Polling Data Before 2014

Opinion polls show that a majority of Crimeans did not favor joining Russia prior to 2014. According to a survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS, 2011), only 23% supported unification with Russia. A 2008 Gallup poll revealed that many identified as “Crimean” rather than Russian or Ukrainian. The International Republican Institute (IRI) reported in 2009 that over 60% favored maintaining the status quo within Ukraine.

The 2014 Annexation and Referendum

In March 2014, unmarked Russian troops occupied Crimea. The subsequent referendum was held under military pressure. It claimed 97% support for joining Russia but was condemned by the UN, EU, and OSCE as illegitimate. The UN General Assembly reaffirmed Ukraine’s territorial integrity with Resolution 68/262. Observers noted much lower turnout than officially reported, and many Crimean Tatars and Ukrainian voters boycotted the vote.

The Lie of the “Russian Language Ban”

A central Russian narrative was the alleged repression of the Russian language. In reality, Russian was ubiquitous—in schools, courts, and the media. Reports by the OSCE and Venice Commission confirmed that no language ban existed. Ironically, after the 2014 annexation, Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar were marginalized (Human Rights Watch, 2020).

Repression after the Annexation

After 2014, Russia systematically suppressed Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar culture. Ukrainian-language education vanished, Crimean Tatar media were shut down, and activists were imprisoned or forced into exile (Crimean Human Rights Group, 2019; Human Rights Watch, 2021).

Putin’s Lies Quoted

In 2014, Vladimir Putin claimed: “The people of Crimea freely chose to return to Russia.”

→ In truth, the vote was held under military occupation, without observers, amid widespread intimidation - thus lacking any legitimacy under international law.

He also said: “The Russian language is being suppressed in Ukraine.”

→ The OSCE documented the opposite. Russian was a regional official language, culturally dominant, and never banned.

Conclusion

The claim that Crimea had always felt part of Russia and was oppressed by Ukraine does not hold up to historical scrutiny. Legally and socially, Crimea was an integral part of Ukraine—with broad autonomy and protected language rights. Election results and polls reveal a complex picture, with no clear majority favoring separation. Repression began not before, but after the annexation - at the hands of Russia.

References:

Crimean Human Rights Group. "Oppression of Crimean Tatars after Annexation." 2019.

Gallup. “Crimea Poll.” 2008. https://news.gallup.com.

Human Rights Watch. “Crimea: Repression Deepens.” 2020.

Human Rights Watch. “Russia: Targeting Crimean Tatars.” 2021.

International Republican Institute (IRI). “Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Crimea.” 2009.

Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS). “Public Opinion in Crimea.” 2011. https://kiis.com.ua.

OSCE. “Minority Rights in Ukraine.” 2013.

Plokhy, Serhii. The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine. New York: Basic Books, 2015.

UN General Assembly. Resolution 68/262. "Territorial Integrity of Ukraine." 2014.

Venice Commission. “Opinion 902/2017 on the Language Law of Ukraine.” Council of Europe, 2017.

Central Election Commission of Ukraine. “Results of the Independence Referendum.” 1991.