No Training with Weapons - The Lie about UNRWA In the Light of International Responsibility, Legal Norms and Media Ethics

In the international debate on the Middle East conflict, one accusation keeps resurfacing: that UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, trains children in the Gaza Strip to use weapons or even tolerates military indoctrination in its schools. This claim is not only factually false but also fatal in its impact. It lacks any legal basis, any structural proof - and it fails to understand the function of international humanitarian organizations in an occupied, disenfranchised, and infrastructure-blocked territory.

I. The Mandate of UNRWA: Protection, Relief, Education

UNRWA was established in 1949 by UN General Assembly Resolution 302. Its mandate is strictly humanitarian: to protect and assist Palestinian refugees in Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. The organization operates over 280 schools and 22 health centers in Gaza and is the only access to medical care, food, and education for hundreds of thousands of people. Its schools adhere to a strict principle of neutrality. Armed actors and political agitation are not permitted on school grounds. Violations are subject to disciplinary procedures under UN standards and may lead to dismissal.

That children in Gaza are drawn into armed conflicts is tragic and real. But they are not armed by UNRWA. UNRWA has repeatedly stated that it has no connection to paramilitary camps - neither institutionally nor through its staff. Its educational institutions are independently evaluated, including by the External Monitoring Framework (EMF), which, with European involvement, reviews content and practices on the ground. Anyone who claims otherwise ignores the structure and international oversight regime of the United Nations.

II. The Disinformation Campaign Against UNRWA

In 2024 - after the Hamas terror attack on October 7 - serious allegations emerged: several UNRWA employees were allegedly involved in the attack. UN Secretary-General António Guterres then initiated an independent investigation, led by France’s former Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna. The findings were presented in April 2024:

"No structural evidence was found of institutional complicity between UNRWA and armed groups. Individual suspicions were identified, investigated, and dealt with through disciplinary action."

Numerous countries that had temporarily paused their support resumed payments, including Germany, Sweden, Australia, and Canada. Israel also continued cooperating with UNRWA in coordinating humanitarian aid - a silent acknowledgment that UNRWA is indispensable for civilian stability. And yet: videos and images from so-called "Futuwwa camps" of Hamas continue to circulate on social media - showing children disassembling Kalashnikovs, training in tunnels, or being indoctrinated with antisemitic rhetoric. These camps exist. But they are organized by Hamas, not UNRWA. The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), one of the sources of such images, has never established a direct link to UNRWA facilities. Nevertheless, these contents are framed in Western debates in a way that suggests structural UNRWA involvement.

III. The Role of Hamas and the Limits of Responsibility

Hamas has operated its own summer camps with up to 100,000 children and youth since at least 2013. These camps - "Seedlings of Jerusalem," "Shield of Al-Aqsa," and others - are explicitly aimed at preparing the next generation for "armed resistance." MEMRI and other organizations have documented numerous videos and statements: from youths with rifles to choreographies simulating the overpowering of Israeli soldiers. The courses include weapons training, hand-to-hand combat, terrain tactics, and ideology. But none of this takes place in UNRWA schools. The camps are organized by Hamas, held on separate grounds, often under the supervision of uniformed Al-Qassam brigades. UNRWA’s curricula follow the host country's guidelines (in Gaza: the Palestinian Authority) and are subject to external commission evaluations. If individual students from UNRWA schools later join Hamas structures, this reflects societal conditions in Gaza - not institutional support.

IV. Legal Dimension: Child, Fighter, Victim

A recurring argument: the UN counts all those killed under 18 as "children," even if they were armed. This count is said to be manipulative. The fact is: the UN adheres to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). It defines every person under 18 as a child, regardless of their actions. UNICEF, Human Rights Watch, OCHA, and Amnesty International follow the same definition. Those who involve children in armed conflict do not make them "legitimate targets." They make them child soldiers. And that is a violation of international law - for those who recruit as well as for those who kill. The number of children killed in the Gaza Strip includes babies, toddlers, schoolchildren. The idea that they are mostly armed teenagers is not only empirically false. It is also an attempt to relativize the moral weight of civilian casualties.

V. The 2004 Case - Instrumentalization and Myth

A case frequently recycled by right-wing or conspiracy-oriented media concerns an alleged suicide attack in March 2004. A Palestinian teenager with Down syndrome was reportedly apprehended at the Israeli Hawara checkpoint near Nablus - with an explosive belt under an oversized parka. A week earlier, an 11-year-old boy was allegedly sent through the same checkpoint, supposedly tasked with delivering a bomb to a waiting woman on the other side. The Associated Press reported the story at the time - but based solely on statements from the Israeli military leadership. Even within the military, accounts varied, and some officers refused to sign off. There were no photos, no forensic evidence, no statements from the alleged perpetrators, no medical documentation, and no independent confirmation from NGOs or UN bodies. The supposed 16-year-old disabled perpetrator was never identified, never questioned, never brought to trial. The report remained vague - and was nevertheless widely cited without a single piece of evidence. International human rights organizations warned early on against the political and emotional manipulation in such stories. One thing is clear: any abuse of children - by Hamas, Fatah, or others - is a serious breach of international law. But equally true: stories of disabled children as bomb carriers were often disseminated by intelligence agencies or military spokespeople without reliable sources. Repeating them out of context does not contribute to clarification - it dehumanizes entire populations. And those who use them to argue against civilian protection mechanisms like UNRWA are deliberately prioritizing propaganda over verifiable facts.

One Image, One Myth – How a Teenager Became the Symbol of a Propaganda Narrative

He stands alone on the road, the sleeves of an oversized parka hanging down to his knees. Behind him: an Israeli soldier with an assault rifle, and behind that, a military vehicle, flag waving in the wind. The photo went around the world. It shows a Palestinian teenager at the Israeli Hawara checkpoint near Nablus in March 2004. And it was accompanied by a story that still circulates in forums, articles, and political discourse to this day – even though it has never been verified. The claim was this: the boy, 16 years old, was wearing an explosive belt, had been stopped at the checkpoint, and later stated that he didn’t actually want to die – he had been promised a reward of 70 virgins in the afterlife. He reportedly had Down syndrome, and was allegedly paid 100 shekels – around 20 euros at the time. The source of these claims? The Israeli military alone. There was no independent confirmation, no court case, no official name. And yet – the story spread, because the image fit it so perfectly. But what does the photo really show? A frightened teenager in a coat far too big, standing on a road, under the watch of soldiers. No visible weapons. No explosives. No proof. The image itself is authentic, taken by a team from the Associated Press – and that’s what makes it so powerful. It was turned into evidence for something that was never proven. The gap between photo and narrative was later filled by others: military spokespeople, commentators, bloggers. The image became a storytelling device, a template for a story that served a political purpose – not only in Israel, but around the world. It is a lesson in how images can function – and how dangerous the connection between photography and unverified claims can be. Because it triggers emotions without encouraging questions. Those who see the photo may feel empathy for the child – or fear him. Both reactions serve a political agenda. Whether the child was disabled, deceived, or manipulated – none of it can be confirmed or refuted. Yet the story repeats itself like an echo in the comments of those who want it to be true. Anyone talking about propaganda today, about disinformation, about emotional manipulation in the digital age, should not ignore this photo. Because it shows: you don’t need much – just a real picture, a fabricated story, and an audience willing to believe. What remains is the face of a boy who may have wanted nothing more than to go home. And a world that turned it into a story larger than his own life.

VI. LOSI Network and the Protection of Humanitarian Institutions As a member of the United Nations’ LOSI Network - Legal Observations for Strategic Interventions - it is my duty to document disinformation, propaganda distortions, and attacks on the humanitarian space and to provide legal context. In no other debate is the erosion of international norms more visible than in the delegitimization of UNRWA. When UNRWA is falsely portrayed as a collaborator of a terrorist movement, even though it is factually the only institutional lifeline for hundreds of thousands of civilians, not only is the truth violated - tangible aid is sabotaged. Teachers, doctors, and social workers are put in the crosshairs. And states that fall for such narratives then withdraw funding - with dramatic consequences.

As a member of the LOSI Network - Legal Observations for Strategic Interventions - it is my duty to document disinformation, propaganda distortions, and attacks on the humanitarian space and to provide legal context. In no other debate is the erosion of international norms more visible than in the delegitimization of UNRWA. When UNRWA is falsely portrayed as a collaborator of a terrorist movement, even though it is factually the only institutional lifeline for hundreds of thousands of civilians, not only is the truth violated - tangible aid is sabotaged. Teachers, doctors, and social workers are put in the crosshairs. And states that fall for such narratives then withdraw funding - with dramatic consequences.

Those who claim that UNRWA trains children to use weapons act either out of ignorance or with the intent of targeted discrediting. Both variants are incompatible with the principles of international cooperation. UNRWA is not a political actor. It is a protective structure. It works under extreme conditions, often under fire, without political backing. But it works - with transparency, international oversight, and tireless commitment to children’s rights. The rhetoric against it is not just a lie. It is an attack on the last civilian islands amid the chaos. And it is up to all of us - as journalists, as lawyers, as members of multilateral networks - to defend these islands.

Sources: Colonna Report (UN, April 2024), MEMRI Dispatches 10107, 10712, 10381, UNICEF/UNCRC Reports 2023/24, OCHA Protection Cluster Bulletins, UNRWA Field Office Reports 2024/25, Statements by German and Swedish UN Missions (2024), LOSI Network Documentation (2023–2025), AP Report 2004 on the Hawara Case, NGO Briefings on Child Abuse in Armed Groups (2004–2010)