Due to current events, our news briefs are running a little longer today: 3 major articles instead of short updates.

In Russia, votes are still being counted in the State Duma election. We report on the preliminary results, problems with electronic voting, confirmed election violations, and voting in the occupied territories of Ukraine.

In Germany, the elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Berlin have changed the political landscape: The AfD leads in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the CDU is out of the state parliament, and the Left Party has won the election in Berlin for the first time. What does this mean for Schwesig, Merz, and the formation of new governments?

And in Washington, Donald Trump wants to turn his planned triumphal arch into a military complex equipped with drones and snipers. The project is already being challenged in court.

Russia’s State Duma Election: 4 Parties Above the Threshold, Vote Counting Still Underway

Russians voted over 3 days. After the last polling stations closed, preliminary turnout stood at 56.66 percent, according to the Central Election Commission. In 2021, the final turnout was 51.72 percent. According to the vote count released on September 21, 2026, at 5:30 a.m. Moscow time, 79.08 percent of the election protocols had been processed. United Russia stood at 57.69 percent, the Communist Party at 13.96 percent, and the LDPR at 8.75 percent. New People received 7.97 percent. A Just Russia, at 4.98 percent, had meanwhile slipped just below the 5 percent threshold. That left only 4 parties above the threshold at that point. The figures are preliminary; the official final result is still pending. Ella Pamfilova, chair of Russia’s Central Election Commission, said the final official election results would not be established before September 25.

Millions Vote Electronically, Then Moscow Voters Can’t Get Paper Ballots

By the evening of September 20, more than 3.6 million people had voted through the nationwide remote electronic voting platform. That was around 90 percent of those registered to use it. Electronic voting played an even bigger role in Moscow. According to one analysis, around 92 percent of Moscow voters who had cast their ballots on the first day had used either remote electronic voting or electronic terminals at polling stations. Then, on the final day of voting, the electronic voter registry itself suffered a major outage.

At some Moscow polling stations, voters were temporarily denied paper ballots. Instead, they were offered the option of voting electronically. The outage therefore directly affected their ability to cast their ballots in the way they wanted. The Moscow Election Commission later said the electronic voter registry had been targeted by large-scale external hacking attacks. However, it did not release independently verifiable information that would establish the cause. Electronic voting was thus both widely used during the 3-day election and the subject of specific complaints. The outage in Moscow is documented; who caused it cannot be independently established from the information released so far. For the affected voters, another question came first: Why couldn’t they get a paper ballot on Election Day when they asked for one? The election commission has yet to provide an explanation that makes the technical sequence of events understandable.

Ballot Stuffing, an Opened Safe: Russia’s Election Commission Confirms Violations

Additional ballots were stuffed into a ballot box at a polling station in the Russian republic of Mari El. The Central Election Commission confirmed the incident at polling station No. 343. The chair of the local commission, the deputy chair, and another commission member were removed from their duties. The case files were handed over to law enforcement. This was a violation confirmed by the election commission itself. The available information does not establish how many votes were affected or what further legal consequences the incident may have.

A commission also had to intervene in Yakutia. At polling station No. 756, a safe had been opened prematurely. The commission subsequently invalidated 409 ballots. At the same time, the Central Election Commission said, citing police, that no visible signs of falsification had been found. The security bags had remained intact. The premature opening of the safe and the invalidation of the votes are established facts; those details alone do not establish that the 409 ballots were falsified.

Numerous complaints about the treatment of election observers also emerged over the 3 days of voting. On the first day alone, reports said at least 1,334 observers from the Communist Party and the Yabloko party had been denied access to polling stations. Further reports followed of observers being detained and removed from polling stations. There were also reports of the use of force and alleged discrepancies in turnout figures. Not every allegation was independently confirmed. The confirmed incidents in Mari El and Yakutia nevertheless show that the election commission itself had to establish serious violations of election rules at at least 2 polling stations.

Russia Also Holds State Duma Elections in Occupied Parts of Ukraine

For the first time since Moscow’s declared annexations in 2022, elections to Russia’s State Duma are also being held in the occupied parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions. Russia treats these territories as part of its own country for the purposes of the election. The annexations are not internationally recognized; under international law, the regions remain part of Ukraine. Voting there is taking place under Russian occupation. The officially reported turnout figures must be viewed in that context.

Election authorities reported turnout of more than 81 percent in the occupied parts of Donetsk and more than 79 percent in the occupied parts of Luhansk. Early voting in Donetsk began as far back as August 30. On the final main day of voting, polling stations there closed at 2 p.m. The turnout figures come from the relevant election authorities. The published numbers alone do not establish the conditions under which individual people cast their ballots.

Voting in the occupied Ukrainian territories is part of Russia’s State Duma election, for which the Central Election Commission reported preliminary overall turnout of 56.66 percent. The reported figures from Donetsk and Luhansk are considerably higher. What matters here is that the people living in those areas are voting under occupation and that the Russian election authorities are organizing the vote. Including these territories in an election to Russia’s State Duma does not change their status under international law as part of Ukraine.

Schwesig Keeps the AfD Out of Government as the CDU Is Kicked Out of the State Parliament

38.2 percent for the AfD, 35.5 percent for the SPD. Manuela Schwesig lost the election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and can still remain minister-president. Although the AfD received the most votes, its 32 seats in the 71-seat parliament fall short of a majority. The other parties represented in the state parliament refuse to form a coalition with it. Together, the SPD, the Left Party, and the Greens hold 39 seats. That would allow Schwesig to continue governing, while the AfD’s election victory currently offers it no prospect of securing the office of minister-president. Just a year ago, the SPD was polling at 19 percent. Schwesig has made up considerable ground since then, while the AfD’s polling numbers have remained largely unchanged. The SPD managed to win over voters from other parties.

The parties paying the price are primarily those that also rule out a government involving the AfD. The CDU received just 4.9 percent and will no longer be represented in the state parliament in Schwerin. The Left Party reached 6.5 percent, while the Greens received 5.7 percent. The BSW also failed to clear the 5 percent threshold, finishing at 4.8 percent. Schwesig’s comeback brought the SPD close to the AfD but cost the other parties votes. The result is particularly bitter for the CDU: It lost 8.4 percentage points compared with the previous election. For the first time in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany, it has failed to win a seat in a state parliament.

Schwesig can now begin talks with the Left Party and the Greens. Together, the 3 parties would hold 39 seats, with 36 needed for a majority. A coalition with the Left Party alone or the Greens alone would have just 34 seats in either case. The fact that the SPD could continue governing after its comeback therefore also means that it would depend on both smaller parties. Despite its substantial increase in votes, the AfD holds 32 seats. The vote count in Schwerin has therefore produced 2 different outcomes: The AfD leads in votes, while Schwesig could form a parliamentary majority with the Left Party and the Greens.

Schwesig’s Election Result Also Raises Questions for the SPD Leadership in Berlin

35.5 percent in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, while the SPD is polling at 11 to 14 percent nationwide. Manuela Schwesig reached a considerably larger share of voters with her campaign than her party is reaching at the federal level. Just a year ago, the SPD itself was polling at 19 percent in the state. Her path to the current result, however, also involved clearly distancing herself from the federal government. During the campaign, Schwesig opposed its reform agenda, for which SPD leader and Vice Chancellor Lars Klingbeil shares responsibility. She won votes that way while her party governs alongside the CDU and CSU in Berlin. That difference is likely to become a topic of discussion within the SPD.

Lars Klingbeil and Bärbel Bas lead the party. Schwesig is currently neither an SPD chair nor a member of the coalition committee in Berlin. Her election result does not change that for now. It does, however, give her a stronger position in internal party debates. Some within the SPD want Schwesig to take over the party leadership. Whether she wants the job and whether there would be enough support for her remains open. What is clear is that she campaigned in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania on positions that did not entirely align with the course of her own party’s federal government. The party will have to come to terms with that.

The next federal election in 2029 is also coming into view. Within the SPD, the question could arise again of who should lead the party into that election as its candidate for chancellor. Schwesig’s result gives her supporters an argument in that debate; it certainly does not mean a decision about her candidacy has been made. Her immediate task is forming a government in Schwerin. The SPD needs both the Left Party and the Greens for a majority there. In Berlin, meanwhile, Klingbeil and Bas have to deal with the fact that an SPD minister-president won considerably more support by distancing herself from their shared government agenda than the party is receiving in nationwide polls.

Merz Becomes the First CDU Chancellor to See His Party Lose Its Place in a State Parliament

When the first projections came in from Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the CDU was still at 5 to 5.5 percent. It seemed possible that the party would just make it into the state parliament. As more votes were counted, it fell below the 5 percent threshold. At 4.9 percent, it was out. For the first time since the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany, the CDU has failed to win a seat in a state parliament. It lost 8.4 percentage points compared with the previous election. While the AfD became the largest party with 38.2 percent and Manuela Schwesig’s SPD reached 35.5 percent, the chancellor’s party was left without a single seat in the state parliament in Schwerin.

For much of the campaign, the contest had been dominated by the race between Schwesig and the AfD. The SPD won over supporters of other parties who wanted to prevent the AfD from taking over the government. The CDU lost votes as a result. With a result this close, even a small additional share of the vote would have determined whether it was represented in the state parliament again. For Friedrich Merz, this defeat comes 2 weeks after the election in Saxony-Anhalt. His personal approval ratings are very low. The question of how much federal politics contributed to the result in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is therefore likely to be raised within his own party as well.

Just a few days ago, CDU minister-presidents had pledged their support for the chancellor in a letter. That letter now stands alongside an election result likely to prompt new conversations between the party leadership and its members. Some within the CDU fear that the party could lose its long-standing status as a major party with broad popular support. Whether dissatisfaction with Merz will grow, and what consequences that might have, cannot be determined from the result alone. The numbers from Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, however, are clear: The CDU previously held seats in the state parliament; it will no longer have a parliamentary group there. While talks over a new government take place in Schwerin, Merz and his party must decide how to deal with this defeat.

Berlin Elects Elif Eralp: The Left Party Wins Over People Who Previously Voted SPD and Green

25.7 percent for the Left Party in Berlin. Elif Eralp has led her party to 1st place in an election to the House of Representatives for the first time, surpassing its previous record of 22.6 percent from 2001. The CDU follows with 18.8 percent, down 9.4 percentage points from the previous election. The AfD received 16.3 percent, the Greens 14.3 percent, and the SPD 12.1 percent. Behind the Left Party’s victory is a significantly changed voter base. The former PDS had its strongest districts in the eastern part of the city and was particularly popular among older people. Eralp has also reached voters whose political loyalties previously lay more with other parties.

Among the Left Party’s new supporters are people with family roots in Turkey or Arab countries, who were previously often counted among SPD voters. They are joined by young university graduates from the inner-city districts, including many women. The Greens had long been strong in those neighborhoods. The Left Party won over people from both groups and expanded its previous voter base. This is especially clear from the losses suffered by its former competitors: The Greens lost 4.1 percentage points, while the SPD lost 6.3. The CDU lost almost a third of its previous vote share. In Berlin, those results give the Left Party a clear lead, but they are not enough for it to govern on its own.

Eralp could become the first member of her party to serve as Berlin’s governing mayor. To do that, she needs partners in the House of Representatives, where the Left Party holds 47 of the total 158 seats. A majority requires 80 seats. Together with the Greens and the SPD, the Left Party would have 95 seats. Whether that mathematical possibility turns into a shared government remains to be seen in the negotiations. The party has won new voters with its election victory and must now discuss its plans with potential partners. Housing policy in particular exposes substantial differences between the Left Party’s campaign promises and the SPD’s positions.

Eralp Wants to Lead Berlin, but the Fight Over Housing and Coalitions Is Just Beginning

Under the Berlin Left Party’s plans, 270,000 apartments owned by large private real estate companies would be transferred into public ownership. Elif Eralp campaigned on that demand and led her party to 1st place with 25.7 percent. To become governing mayor, she would now have to reach an agreement with other parties. The most obvious possibility is a coalition with the Greens and the SPD. Together, they would hold 95 of the 158 seats, giving them a majority. But the expropriation of large real estate companies is a major point of contention: The SPD’s lead candidate had already ruled out the proposal during the campaign because of the billions of dollars it was expected to cost.

Negotiations could also be difficult over how to address antisemitism. The Left Party had strongly emphasized its solidarity with Palestine during the campaign. It would have to work out with the Greens and the SPD what common position a future state government would take on the issue. The Left Party has also gained many new members; according to political observers, parts of its state organization lack experience in governing. The election victory gives Eralp the right to begin coalition talks. It does not, however, answer which of her demands potential partners will support or where they will refuse to reach an agreement.

If Eralp cannot form a coalition, CDU lead candidate Stefan Evers would still have the option of negotiating with the Greens and the SPD. Such an alliance would hold 82 seats, just 2 more than the number required for a majority. On top of that, the Berlin Greens are generally further to the left politically, and working with the CDU could be controversial within the party. That leaves 2 mathematically possible coalitions after the election, neither of which has reached an agreement. While Berlin negotiates over its new government, on Tuesday, September 22, 2026, we will turn our attention to the elections in eastern Germany in a major article. We will also bring in our own experiences: the people we have met, political figures refusing to answer questions, and the conditions under which we carry out our reporting as an independent newsroom.

Trump’s Triumphal Arch Is Supposed to Become a Military Complex: Drones and Snipers Above Washington

Donald Trump wants to build a 250-foot-tall triumphal arch between the Lincoln Memorial and Arlington National Cemetery. On Sunday, he gave the planned structure another purpose: It was supposed to become a heavily armed military complex. Snipers could take positions on the roof and surrounding areas, while large numbers of drones would be stored there and rapidly deployed when needed. Trump also wants to store sniper ammunition inside the structure. According to him, the military had strongly urged him to change the original design accordingly. The Pentagon could not provide any additional information about the president’s statement when asked.

The site is at a busy traffic junction near the Memorial Bridge, one of the major connections between Washington and Northern Virginia. It is also close to the flight path into Reagan National Airport. Democratic Representative Don Beyer considers a drone launch site at that location dangerous and practically unworkable. He accuses Trump of using national security to come up with a new justification for a construction project that is already being challenged in court. Trump had previously described the planned White House ballroom as a military complex as well, justifying its construction on security grounds.

Three veterans and an architectural historian are suing over the triumphal arch. They argue that the project requires congressional approval. Attorney Nicolas Sansone said Trump’s belated national security justification did nothing to resolve his clients’ legal objections. Congress had not authorized the construction. The Commission of Fine Arts, whose members were all handpicked by Trump, has already granted preliminary approval. The commission responsible for capital planning approved the site and preliminary plans in July, but its final approval is still pending. It is expected to take up the project again this fall.

The groundbreaking had originally been scheduled for September. Now, alongside the questions surrounding approval and the location, there is also the proposal to station drones and snipers inside a monumental structure on a busy road. Trump is pursuing additional construction and renovation projects in Washington at the same time: a new White House ballroom, changes to the Kennedy Center and the reflecting pool in front of the Lincoln Memorial, as well as the reconstruction of a golf course in East Potomac Park. The latter could significantly restrict public access to running and biking paths. Whether the planned triumphal arch will actually become a structure capable of military use remains just as uncertain as final approval for its construction.